Is Aggressive PR Always Justified?

Should we turn a blind eye to the excesses of PR campaigns that advance a cause we support? Should we tolerate overstatements and hype, as long as they are in the service of something we believe in? Not if the dubious means undermine the noble ends. I worry that some recent PR campaigns launched by combatants in today's school reform wars may allow the means to swamp the ends.
A recent commentator on school reform took a different view. He praised aggressive campaigns and likened the school reform movements they support to past movements for civil rights.
Movements, whether Martin Luther King's exposure of segregation as morally illegitimate, or Gandhi's exposure of the immorality of 'British Rule," are actually the proper political culmination of good ideas, brought about by the impatience with the slow movement of the chattering class.
I'm not sure the analogy really works. Laws enforcing segregation were wrong, full stop. The moral thing to do was clear: Strike them down. School reform, by contrast, doesn't often present such clear choices. So we should be careful not to draw parallels that lump critics of one school reform or another together with those who opposed the movement to end segregation.
History also reminds us that not all movements are created equal. Some movements that are fueled by true outrage and conviction can run off the rails and pervert their original aims when the need to advance The Cause overpowers all tolerance for nuance or doubt. Such movements can begin with a noble vision, but they often end by merely replacing one kind of injustice with another. We have to balance our passion for change against a clear-eyed sense of where our plans may still fall short.
As it happens, the research on school reform does not support ideologues on either side of the debate. Take, for example, the issue of merit pay. There's an awful lot of nuance in the debate over merit pay that gets drowned out in the shouting match. For one, even systems to judge teachers on the academic growth of their students have a long way to go before they'll be as reliable as we want them to be.
The Institute of Education Sciences (IES) just released a report pointing to high error rates in systems that rely on test scores to rate teachers. "In a typical performance measurement system," the authors write, "1 in 4 teachers who are truly average will be erroneously identified for special treatment, and 1 in 4 teachers who differ from average performance by 3 or 4 months will be overlooked." And that's what happens if you take three years of teacher performance data into account. Use fewer years of data, and things get worse.
So we can't blame teachers for feeling a bit queasy about some of the more extreme merit pay proposals out there. An average teacher could expect the system to get it wrong every four years.
Of course, few merit pay plans would make test scores the sole measure of a teacher's worth. They would an important measure among other important subjective measures. But in state after state, people have sought to make them the measure that carries the most weight. For reasons I don't fully grasp, many DC pundits made fifty percent the litmus test for "real" reform.
The authors of the IES report urge much more caution than we usually see in our over-heated debates about school reform. "Policymakers must carefully consider likely system error rates when using value-added estimates to make high-stakes decisions regarding educators," they write. That sort of language won't do much for a PR campaign, but it should remind us that the extreme position is usually the wrong one, even if it seems to serve "the movement."
None of this should lessen our passion for change. Unequal access to education is without a doubt one of the major civil rights issues of the century. It is a threat to our nation's founding ideals.
But that doesn't change the fact that political victories might not be victories for children. It's not enough to be bold. We have to get this right.
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For merit pay, I'd agree
For merit pay, I'd agree these systems are not amply able to distinguish between "bad" and "typical". But for the purpose of removing policies like LIFO or tenure, with a few years of data identifying the bottom 5-8% of teachers is actually not so bleak. With less than 10% error, we're looking at a pretty good, relatively objective measure of the academic teaching quality of teachers after three years. In five years, we're doing even better.
When many districts are looking at seniority layoffs that may tap into teachers on the job for nearly a decade, it seems very fair to me that we should look into these numbers based right on the IES report. The effects on students could be staggering (via Ed Week's Teacher Beat, an interesting analysis of seniority v. effectiveness layoffs http://is.gd/dKjis).
Another suggestion I may take into account based on the IES report is extending the time it takes to earn tenure. Instead of pursuing policies to allow us to remove lower performing teachers with this job protection, let's be much more strict about who gets in. Let's wait 5 years, get stable value-added scores and reject the lowest of the low teachers (bottom 5-10%) and put off the tenure decision a year. Then reevaluate and see where you are every two years. The decision is a big deal for the district and the teachers-- so let's get it right, use the data we have, and certainly not offer tenure to someone who's got only a 10% chance of being better than bottom of the barrel.
For ranking schools relative to one another, these value-added measures appear quite strong, and here I start to think about all the problems that go away when we start to think about value-added as a potential replacement for something like AYP which is fraught with issues. With errors in the 2 and 3 percent range after just a few years of data, it seems that identifying the "persistently low achieving schools" as required by SIG could have benefited quite a bit from value-added measures.
And of course, like you, I don't want any of these measures to be used in isolation for any decision. But despite the curmudgeon about this report, there's a lot in here we already know and a lot in there to be encouraged by, if your uses of value-added are not nefarious.
My final thought is this-- with all the issues value-added measures have, what are we going to use in its place? Do we currently have information that works better than value-added (or better than the potential of value-added) to make decisions on? I am defining information broadly, as anything that any person in the system would use to develop their personal rationale for making a choice.
I get the sense that the "error rates of perception" may be higher than anything we produce in value-added, but we still have to make decisions.
Here's how I look at it: Say
Here's how I look at it: Say you want to fire the lowest 5% of teachers every year, which is what some people are calling for. Say value-added scores count for 50% of teacher evaluation, which seems to be the gold standard for reformers. So maybe 10% of average teachers will get marked unsatisfactory every year and feel like they could be on the chopping block.
Maybe you'd have to look at many more years of data to have confidence. The 26% error rate is for 3 years of data. If you use only 1 year, the report sees a 35% error rate.
So is there any way to smooth out the data over time and make teachers feel like there's less chance involved in big decisions that could determine their fate?
"The 26% error rate is for 3
"The 26% error rate is for 3 years of data."
It's also for identifying the bottom 18th percentile. If you go down to the 8th percentile (which is in the IES study; comparing teacher to school average has 16% error in 3 years and 10% with 5 years; comparing teacher to district average is 17% and 11% for 3 and 5 years respectively) the errors are far more acceptable.
So if we go down to the 5th percentile and use 5 years of data, I would say you have a pretty solid piece of data to make a up a large portion of these decisions.
As a policy-person, one idea I may have is develop a great observation protocol like the one in Cincinnati. Make sure everyone is evaluated 2 or 3 times a year for PD purposes. After three years, anyone who comes up as a "negative" on value-added should have additional observation and PD. If after 5 years that person is still identified as a "negative" in the value-added model, and the observation reports have some corroborating evidence, the teacher should be exited.
We could also imagine using a similar system that catches a few additional folks for making tenure. Award only preliminary tenure in 3 years at best, and only confirming it after 5 years of data.
Perfect? No. But the doom and gloom, fire and brimstone reporting I've read on this seems to assume the worst of people using and designing these systems and are probably hoping they can be used for something more sophisticated than simply separating out the bottom 5% from everyone else.
The authors really should have been a bit more nuanced about describing their results.
J Becker--Of course, there's
J Becker--Of course, there's a lot of gloom-and-doom reporting to go around. That was the bigger point of my somewhat rambling posting: The PR excesses could drown out thoughtful discussion. And I think there have been some PR excesses supporting reforms like like value-add.
Too many in the media or among the pundits have made far more of value-added measures than you have. The assumption in some quarters that "real" reform begins with evaluation systems based mostly on value-added scores seems rather less cautious than your remarks do. The over-heated rhetoric has run far ahead of the reality.
And too often, those who raise questions in good faith are lumped together with mere obstructionists. That also stifles constructive debate.
It takes a lot of words to
It takes a lot of words to make people move. Aggressive PR seems right for the traditional people but still I find it unethical. People need to be convince from truths. They need true information unless you want people to go out as soon as they got in.
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